Thursday, April 28, 2011

Make way for the mob

When we compare the big two Asian powers India and China, we always make flattering allusions to how “free” and “democratic” we are, when compared to China. So what if they’re growing at a faster pace than us and their growth is far more inclusive ours? We’ve got democracy and that makes a “better state” than them, right?

Wrong.

Democracy in India is absolute eyewash. In reality, there’s little you can do in India without having the state breathe down your neck. From deciding how you live, what you believe in and what you are exposed to, our nanny state makes sure its citizens toe the line.

Ok, so maybe our government isn’t reading our Gmail or censoring all our papers beyond a point of belief. But they are trying to amend the Information Technology Act to censor all opinions that do not suit the national character of India and its government. In India, our censorship isn’t just political, it’s religious and moral as well.

In which other democracy would you find actresses who publicly approve of pre-marital sex have several lawsuits filed against them? Or film stars who do photo shoots in swim wear receive death threats?

Moral policing is so common these days that we’ve gotten so used to it. You won’t hear a squeak from the silent urban majority anymore.

The government has got involved in the moral policing as well. Recently, the Information and Broadcasting department has moved to set up a special board to monitor content on Indian television. This came after the members in the Congress lodged complaints with the watchdog. When compared to television content in other countries, we’re complete prudes. It’s hard to think that a society that wants to be thought of as progressive has problems with a bit of light snogging on a reality show.

Often, we label these moral police as “fringe elements.” That’s a term that got flung around quite a bit in 2008, when several girls who went out for a drink in a Mangalore pub were beaten up by a group of political activists. When approached for a comment, Karnataka’s chief minister Yeddyurappa initially justified the indefensible actions of the mob. Moral policing is a dominant characteristic of our political establishment. An establishment that we elect without asking any questions.

Politically, the state is quick to crush dissent and they aren’t too far away from sending tanks to mow down students in a public square. Last year’s violence in the Kashmir Valley and the North East, when several students were killed in protest movements, is evidence that the state is eager to suppress any opinions that are not in line with theirs. Just ask Ms. Arundhati Roy, who has been charged with sedition for exercising her freedom of speech.

We’re not ruled by a democracy. We are a “mob-ocracy,” and there’s little place for rational thought and discussion.

School’s out: The story of the rising primary school dropouts

As far as business goes, the rundown shop on R.T. Nagar’s 5th main road does pretty well for itself. While almost all of its revenue comes from selling cigarettes, mints, fizzy drinks and cheap candy to college students, its success has much to do with its two gregarious shop boys. Not a day over thirteen, the two boys moved to Bangalore from Allahabad two years ago to live with their uncle. Eventually they ended up working in this dingy, ramshackle establishment. Leaning against the cracked shop window, one of them looks at me suspiciously, while his companion explains why the two of them are not at school at this early hour in the afternoon.

“What’s the point? We didn’t want to stay in school. We make money here,” Chottu, the older of the two says, before rushing off to open up another carton of cigarettes for an approaching group of customers.

The two boys represent the rising statistic of primary school dropouts in the city. The government proudly holds up the Sarva Shiksha Abiyan, its flagship programme to “ensure that every child below 14 is in school by 2010,” as one of its big success stories. However, it quite often neglects to mention the high numbers of class six and seven students who do not graduate from government schools. While the programme reaches its deadline this year, over 50 percent of upper primary students quit school, according to Nafees Unnisa, the headmistress of a government school in Frazer Town.

“The parents are the biggest cause for dropouts in the public school system,” says Annapurna, who teaches at the primary school in Cox Town. “Most of the kids we get are from very poor families. Their parents are daily wage workers and work all day. They hardly have time to keep an eye on their children and make sure they attend school,” she says, as she writes the alphabet on a little girl’s dog-eared ruled notebook.

Other teachers seem to mirror the same opinion.

“A lot of parents do not have the time to get their kids ready for school. Education is given any importance in most families who live in slums,” says Unnisa. “If anything, they would rather their children contributed to the household by making a few extra rupees.”

Are there no systems in place to check truancy in our public schools, then?

“No, hardly any. We teachers are expected to make sure kids stay in school, most of the time,” Unnisa replies. “The second we even bring up punishments for missing school, we can be sure that those children will never come back to class,” she adds.

A rising number of children, Unnisa tells me, are lured by the easy money they can make from small jobs in shops and hotels. The children often tell her that if they were paid a hundred rupees to go to school, they would “gladly come every day.” But the prospects of making a living on the streets seems much more viable to them.

“They only think in the short term,” Unnisa adds, “they don’t see how getting an education is the only way to come up in life.”

Usha works as a maid in the three houses in Bangalore East’s more affluent neighborhoods. Until recently, she hardly had the time to make sure that her 5-year-old son, Joshua, went to school. Her husband, who she refers to as a “wastrel,” spends his day “drinking cheap liquor and playing carrom board” while she cleans toilets and clears garages from six in the morning to four in the evening.

At the SSA director’s office on Nrupathanga Road, I am turned away despite having made an appointment, because I cannot just “troop in, asking about something as big as the SSA.” Also, I am asked to submit my questions in advance at the office, so answers can be prepared for them. However, I quite serendipitously get another interesting perspective on dropout rates, while sitting in the office’s waiting room.

“It is the teachers who are responsible for most problems in the public school system,” says Manikandan, a graduate from the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), whose company makes teaching material for private and public schools across the country.

“Most teachers are disinterested in improving teaching methods or putting in any work to hold the students’ interest,” he says. “That is why schemes like the ‘Nalli Kalli’ receive such a bad response.”

The scheme he refers to is the Nalli Kalli or the “Joyful Learning scheme,” an innovative teaching method that uses teaching material (cards, charts and other instructional tools) to help the students learn better. Unicef India calls the scheme a bid to “help retain children in school and bring in those who are not attending school.” The programme was meant only for students from classes one and two, but has included class three students as of the current school year.

However, it seems to be having the opposite effect.

“The children are hardly interested in this type of learning,” says Annapurna, “it is one of the biggest problems for us teachers.”

According to her, one in every seven children from grades one and two has dropped out of school over the last year. She attributes this to a curriculum that includes these schemes.

“Also, we have to take a combined Nalli Kalli class, for grades one, two and three. That makes the class strength very large and it is difficult to control those classes,” she adds. “The children cannot get individual attention.”

Manikandan though, is critical of the teachers’ attitudes.

“The teachers have to break out of their mould,” he says, “They have to be trained well enough for this scheme to work. It involves a lot of creative play from the teachers, and most of them just are not up for thinking out of the box. It involves extra effort, and they think they are not being paid enough for it.”

In comparison, Manikandan points out that the material he sells to private schools, like the Montessori kindergartens, seems to produce great results.

“These ideas of education through creative play work extremely well in the private schools,” he says, “so clearly, the issue is about the facilitators, not the students.”

Combining age groups for these classes is a good thing, according to Manikandan, because it “brings about interaction between the different age groups, which has positive effects on learning.”

However, over the course of our waiting-room conversation, we eventually come around to discussing another problem that has become synonymous with bureaucracy in India: Corruption.

“All these schemes are implemented with our tax payer rupees, but nobody knows where it goes,” Manikandan says. “Even with my contract with the SSA office, I’m sure at least fifty percent of the money that was allotted to the project has already found its way into bureaucrats’ pockets.”

This issue seems to run common with most schools in the city.

“The government fails to provide the schools with adequate funds,” says Rahmathulla Khan, the secretary of the HSIS community development trust, a charitable organization that adopts and funds inner city schools. “The money goes through several channels before it reaches the headmistress of the school.”

“These schemes are no good because they only promise things. To get a school painted, we have to run around a lot. And most of the money is eaten up by the government contractors. The government and their suppliers work hand in glove.”

Also, the SSA seems to just about provide the essentials for school children, and these are not enough.

“See, they only provide one set of school uniform for the school children,” Khan says. “How can the children wear the same uniform all the time? And then we complain about dropout rates!”

“It isn’t like the SSA is completely unaware of all these issues,” says Manikandan, “but they do very little about them anyway.”

After being turned away from the director’s office, I manage to get a quick word with another SSA official, D. Venkateshiah, the joint director of programme implementation.

“The SSA has worked well and changed many lives,” says the affable director, who offers me a cup of coffee in his cabin, which is decked with pictures of happy schoolchildren, who seem to bear witness to the SSA’s effectiveness.

“We have streamlined education and provided a lot of infrastructure to the schools. They were in a pathetic state before we took them up, with no toilets or furniture.”

In the light of this glowering report, how then, does he view the dropout rate?

“The dropout rate was much worse before, it is not as bad as before,” he replies.

He admits though, that funds are still a problem for state education system.

“Our teachers are paid much less, than the teachers in other states like Tamil Nadu. Still, we manage to keep the system going,” Venkateshiah says, between dictating a quick letter to his secretary.

The Nalli Kalli scheme, he accepts, still has teething problems

“The scheme has been implemented across all our schools only recently. Yes, of course, there are problems. But it will take time before we are able to get it working with perfection.”

Meanwhile, the only solution to the problems of the government schools seems to be greater community participation.

“Before we adopted the school in Frazer Town, they had no toilets or drinking water,” says Khan, was set up in the memory of Haji Sir Ismail Sait, an entrepreneur and community leader from the colonial times. “The students were required to do the janitor’s work in the school yard every day. Now, we have service staff to clean the school.”

“We now provide the students with everything, from wholesome nutritious meals to uniforms and notebooks. This is the only way to ensure equal opportunity in our society. The citizens have to involve in the process.”

Joshua, Usha’s son, is now in the first standard at a private school. One of the houses, at which she works at, funds her son’s education entirely. The school is not too far away from the neighborhood she works in, so she can keep an eye on him. Looking sharp in his red school shirt, with his knee length socks and shiny black shoes, he salutes at me before running down the street to catch his school bus. At about the same time however, Chottus across the city wake up after a hard night’s sleep on a dirty shop floor to a mad rush of college students, who need their morning cigarette.

Caste versus development

Caste may have slipped off the cards for Indian politics these days as “development” is the new watchword in elections. In a bid to win vote share, our politicians have sought to woo the country’s poor in Bihar by promising them this development. India’s underdeveloped are a huge section and a large vote bank that, if tapped, can turn elections in the favor of whoever plays this card right.

Of late, the issue of caste has been marginalized as the cry for social justice has weakened. A large section of our urban “educated” population will outright deny the existence of caste discrimination in India. “The upper echelons of Indian society,” writes Bhanwar Meghwanshi in the Hindu, “which like to pretend that caste doesn't exist, are suddenly gripped with nationalistic fervour. They fear the demand for quota-based reservations will catch momentum and castes will get legal recognition.”

According to the urban elite, it is a social evil from the last generation that has little relevance in today’s “shining” India. They believe that a whole two generations have availed of the benefits of affirmative action. This is evident in the documentary, “India Untouched,” when the filmmakers talk to several students about reservations.

The point of the reservation is to level the playing field and wipe out the caste system. But clearly, that has not happened. As Arundhati Roy puts it in her essay ‘Shall We Leave It To The Experts, “India lives in several centuries at the same time. Somehow, we manage to progress and regress simultaneously.”

The lowest castes continue to be subjugated, while only the creamy layer of the other backward castes has seen the benefits of affirmative action. Thus, any leveraging of caste in these elections will happen only with the creamy layer, wanting an inclusion on certain lists. During these Bihar elections, the Paswan community, according to the Hindustan Times has been “angry with Nitish Kumar for not including it in the Mahadalit list.”

Veerapa Moily, Union Minister for Law said in the Business Standard that the inclusion of the creamy layer or the economically strong backward casts in the reservation quota will water down the benefits available to the weaker backward castes.

Development overrides caste as an electoral issue for politicians, who can gain more mileage from it. Caste, they like to believe, is dead.

Our “educated” elite want to wish caste away—they shy away from even discussing it, because they believe that the mere mention of it divides our society. This is why a majority are for removing caste from the census. But we must, as Bhanwar Meghanwahi says in The Hindu, consider the reality. The last caste census was in 1931. How have we quantitatively assessed the extent of caste discrimination since then? This caste census will finally reveal just how much opportunity for development India’s “lower castes” are getting. That data, the Hindu article says, can then be used to draw out policy solutions to the specific problems related to caste-based marginalization.

Development in a vast section of India will remain stunted unless the issue of caste is dealt with. The documentary shows how disadvantaged this section of society is, when it comes to equal opportunity in education, employment and even food and water. Like a voice from “India Untouched” says, how will they [the lower castes] develop when they have been almost mentally conditioned to accept their inferiority?

Overpopulation, there's no room in jail...

To call overpopulation a 'myth' is to take an extreme stand on an issue which has some relevance to India's problems. However, it is fair to say that the problem has been exaggerated over the decades, and has been used by successive governments to push shocking birth control policy measures.

Sanjay Gandhi's sterilization drives aimed at men during the emergency drew widespread criticism, and was eventually canned. However, what continued were systematic measures to continue this policy, this time against the 'weaker' and 'submissive' sex. By providing incentives for men to get their wives to have vasectomies, a number of dodgy, on-trial methods were used on women across rural India. The side effects were hardly taken into consideration, as the policy makers looked at short term fixes for what they saw as a spiraling population problem.

The manner in which the government approached the issue has much to with the influence of Communist China. In view of China's growing population, the CCCP introduced the one-child policy. India, taking a cue from this development, reacted in an alarmist manner and saw mass birth control as the only recourse to curb what was a highly overstated problem.

As Ashwin Mahesh of India Together puts it, "much of India, unlike a large portion of, say, China, is perfectly habitable, and arable land is plentiful throughout the subcontinent." So clearly, it was fallacious to assume that the Chinese population problem would manifest itself similarly in India.

What lay at the bedrock of the government's fears was entirely Malthusian—too many people grabbing at too few resources. However, the real issue here was the disproportionate distribution of India's wealth, despite the best of Nehruvian intentions. It seemed as if there were too few resources between the populations, but this was never the case. Rather, a large section of society was being given access to a very small percentage of the resources. The rest of the resources were trapped with a few, courtesy the bureaucratic system and an unshakeable caste system, among other factors.

The government used the ‘population explosion’ as their one-size-fits-all reason for all the economic and social problems of the country. The years of ‘socialist’ governance did little to examine or curb the rising divide between the haves and the have-nots in our country. Successive governments, post Nehru, blamed their inadequacies on the uncontrollable population. Rather, the nation’s resources should have been more equitably harnessed and distributed.